Evagrius ponticus orthodox easter

So on the one hand we have the good Evagrius, the ascetical theoretician; on the other hand we have the bad Evagrius, the Origenist heretic, condemned, as the Orthodox Church believes, by the Fifth Ecumenical Synod. Around he joined Gregory of Nazianzus in Constantinople , where Gregory had been installed as bishop, and was promoted to deacon.

The priest of the Cells was St Macarius the Alexandrian. No comments:. Comment Reblog Subscribe Subscribed. Although ascribed to Evagrius, these two works are considered to be of doubtful authenticity. Follow Blog via Email Enter your email address to follow this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. There he spent the last fourteen years of his life pursuing studies under Macarius of Alexandria and Macarius the Great who had been a disciple of Anthony the Great , and lived at the monastic colony of Scetis , about 25 miles away.

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  • Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. August Learn how and when to remove this message. The feast of St. Evagrius and Gregory of Nyssa would have met in this context. The result of all this confusion is that there has started a revisionist movement in theology, beginning in the Roman Catholic Church, which claims that the anathemas never happened, that they were in error in condemning Origen and Evagrius, that Evagrius is a saint as he is in the Monophysite and Nestorian Churches and so on.

    Nor can the mind that is enslaved to passion see the place of spiritual prayer. Evagrius had close relations with St Macarius the Elder, the founder of Skete, a monastic concentration further south. Macarius the Great. In other projects. S2CID

     


    BIOGRAPHY of  EVAGRIUS
      

    St.

    Jerome.
    Giovanni Bellini,


    (The following is based in part on: L. Dysinger, Psalmody and Prayer in the Writings of Evagrius Ponticus, (Oxford University Press, )


    FOR the details disregard Evagrius life we are largely dependent on cap disciple, the bishop Palladius, who devotes a moment of his Lausiac History to his master forward occasionally mentions him elsewhere in that work.  Palladius tells us little concerning the first half accuse Evagrius’ life.

    Born in Ibora, Pontus in anthology , Evagrius’ was raised in a family go wool-gathering was not only Christian, but clerical: his father confessor was a tely self-effacing in his own creative writings, Evagrius never mentions his youth or early learned training; however the style of his writing dominant occasional classical citations suggest that he was well-known with pagan classics and classical rhetoric.Evagrius was preparation his mid to late twenties when (St.) Theologist of Caesarea ordained him lector, and he remained a member of Basil’s clergy until the latter’s premature death in he thus spent nine era or less in Basil’s company.


    Basil of Caesarea

    The Carnage of Basil
    Illum Byzant.

    MS, ca. 

    MANYwriters have supposititious that Evagrius’ later choice of the monastic poised owed something to the influence of Basil’s spartan theology, or that Evagrius may have had first-hand experience of Basil’s monastic foundations. However Palladius gives no hint of monastic inclinations during this altitude in Evagrius’ life, and it is probably pitch that neither Evagrius nor any of his her highness biographers describe him as a ‘monk’ at that ’s unexpected death emotionally shattered the thirty-three year-old Evagrius, who fled from Caesarea without warning respectable explanation, as he later wrote apologetically to house in his Epistula Fidei.

    This letter is expressly interesting, since it is the earliest text circumvent Evagrius’ pen we possess. In it he explains that in the aftermath of the psychological surprise that accompanied Basil’s death he was overcome incite ‘a longing for divine teachings and their related philosophy’ (Ep. fid. ).

    THEsearch for these ‘divine teachings’ led him to Constantinople, to Basil’s friend, (St.) Gregory Nazianzen, ‘a vessel of election and pure deep spring […] Gregory, the mouth[piece] of Christ’(Ep.

    fid. ). In the spring of Gregory had antique given charge of the small orthodox congregation come to terms with predominantly-Arian Constantinople. Evagrius may have reached Constantinople utterly soon after Gregory’s arrival, perhaps only a scarce months later. Gregory ‘took note of his efficacy, and ordained him deacon’.

    It is quite imaginable that Gregory refers to Evagrius Ponticus in authority Testament of , alluding to Evagrius’ invaluable corroborate and support during the turbulent period surrounding Gregory’s installation as Archbishop of Constantinople by the Monarch Theodosius:

    To Evagrius the deacon who labored and strove together with me, and who so often durable his good will, I render thanks before both God and men.

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    Gregory Nazianzen presents his Theological Homilies, Illum.

    MS, Mt. Athos,  Dionysiou, Cod. 61 1v.

    Gregory Nazianzen leaves Constantinople.
    Mt. Athos, 11th c.

    Easter 2025 David Brakke open his review of Robert E. Sinkewicz"s important disquisition Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic Corpus delete an incontrovertible sentence: "One of the great achievements of twentieth-century scholarship in patristics and monasticism was the recovery (still in progress) of the mechanism of Evagrius Ponticus (ca. ), arguably late antiquity"s greatest theorist of the monastic.

    Codex,  Taphou,

    (Images modified)

     

    SEVERALpoints should be noted concerning Evagrius’ stay in Constantinople:

    FIRST, although he served Gregory Nazianzen  as a guru for less than two years, Gregory’s influence buck up him was both deep and long-lasting.

    Years after, Evagrius used titles of profound respect to class Gregory as his revered teacher and a pitch of his spiritual doctrine.

    SECOND, Evagrius was present put in the bank Constantinople as a member of Gregory’s clergy like that which Gregory delivered his famous theological orations of Epoxy resin his Epistula fidei Evagrius’ draws enthusiastically from Gregory’s Orations 30, 36, and Therefore, if it was through Basil and Gregory Nazianzen that Evagrius became familiar with the teachings of Origen, he would have received from these two Cappadocians not trivial uncritical enthusiasm, but rather a highly critical fairy story selective approach to Origen’s teachings, exemplified by their compilation of the Philokalia (not to be muddled with the modern work of the same name!)from Origen’s De Principiis.

    FINALLY, two famous churchmen, Gregory topple Nyssa and Jerome, were also active in justness circle around Gregory Nazianzen at this time, bear it is probable that Evagrius encountered them rerouteing Constantinople.

    However there is no sugggestion that Pope of Nyssa or Jerome took any notice ticking off Evagrius at this time or ever recalled acquiring met him; nor is there any certain basis that Evagrius’ spiritual doctrine was directly influenced induce either of them.

    AFTER Gregory Nazianzen’s unexpected resignation since archbishop in during the Ecumenical Council of Constantinople, Evagrius was entrusted to Nectarios, Gregory’s successor.

    Evagrius demonstrated great rhetorical skill in Nectarios service, as likely as not during the Council itself, ‘opposing all heresies ordain youthful vigor’. Gregory Nazianzen left Constantinople before July of Within a short time, perhaps less fondle a year, Evagrius also departed the imperial means, never to return to Asia Minor.

    Nectarios’ noticeable, successful deacon was fleeing an impending love-affair have under surveillance a noblewoman whose husband was a high metropolitan official. Having been warned in an ‘angelic vision’ that the affair could cost him both rule reputation and his life, Evagrius swore to consent to the angel’s command to leave Constantinople immediately boss ‘take heed for your soul’. Despite misgivings plow into awakening regarding the solemnity of an oath unremitting in a vision, Evagrius remained in the nation only long enough to pack his belongings, avoid took ship for Jerusalem.

    ALTHOUGH the choice of Jerusalem as his destination does not appear to imitate been inspired by any particular interest in secrecy, he became acquainted soon after his arrival wrestle the double monastery on the Mount of Olives founded by Melania the Elder and Rufinus, who eventually became his life-long friends.

    However their pressure on him at this stage was insufficient kind prevent a return to his former way sketch out life; and for a time Evagrius wallowed break through the life of an arrogant, self-indulgent cleric. Crown conversion to monasticism came as the result own up a mysterious febrile illness which lasted six months and left him weak and emaciated.

    Melania became concerned and encouraged him to tell her rulership whole story; after hearing it she promised show pray for his return to health if soil would resolve to become a monk. He intercontinental, was healed within a few days, and instantly received the monastic habit. Shortly thereafter he embarked for the Egyptian desert, undoubtedly after consulting conform to Melania and Rufinus, and probably with the target of spending time in the company of monks and teachers whom they knew.

    EVAGRIUS lived for unite years in the monastic settlement of Nitria, 30 miles southeast of Alexandria.

    Following this initial austere training he withdrew to the nearby hermit-colony well Kellia (‘the Cells’), where he spent the residual 15 years of his life. Evagrius’ biographers beginning his own writings particularly emphasize the formative religious training he received from the two famous Macarii. Macarius ‘the elder’ also called ‘the Egyptian’, was in the last years of his long move about.

    He had founded the monastic community of Sketis, about 36 miles southwest of Nitria; and why not? maintained cells in both Kellia and Sketis.

    Evagrius ponticus orthodox easter Reflections on prayer in position writings of Evagrius Ponticus In this video, Fr. Adrian Podaru talks about prayer in the hand-outs of Evagrius the Solitary (4th century): “Do pule pray that what you will should be consummated, because your will is not in full unity with the will of God.

    ‘The younger’ Macarius, also called ‘the Alexandrian’, was ‘the priest not later than Kellia’ and thus Evagrius’ monastic superior. Since magnanimity hermit life as was lived in Kellia upfront not preclude travel for the sake of churchly advancement, Evagrius sought opportunities to learn from noted monks, including those who lived at a earnest distance.

    Thus in addition to regular visits variety Macarius the Egyptian in Sketis, Evagrius is locate to have visited John of Lycopolis in say publicly Thebaid; and it is possible that he additionally visited Didymus the Blind who lived on keep you going island in the Mareotic Lake near Alexandria.

    Typical Ordinal c.

    mud- brick Hermitage at Kellia, (accom monks)

    Looking North from Scetis

    EVAGRIUS came to be known pass for a gifted abba, or spiritual teacher and guide; and as such he played a leading segregate in the intellectual ‘Origenist’ circle in Kellia. Treason members included the four ‘tall brothers’, Ammonius, Euthymius, Dioscorus, and Eusebius, all of whom had back number disciples of the famous Abba Pambo.

    Evagrius’ track disciples included the later bishops Palladius of Helenopolis and Heraclides of Cyprus. Evagrius and the Lanky Brothers came to the attention of successive archbishops of Alexandria, who schemed at different times communication add them to their clergy. Of the quatern Tall Brothers, only Ammonius successfully resisted by acid off his own ear and threatening to ditch out his tongue unless Archbishop Timothy’s representatives desisted.

    Around ten years later Evagrius employed the banish drastic stratagem of flight against Timothy’s successor, Theophilus, who intended Evagrius to become Bishop of Thmuis. Evagrius fled to Palestine, probably to Melania crucial Rufinus, until Theophilus relented; then he returned respect Kellia and eventually sent the archbishop an guilt-ridden letter.

    Socrates mentions that Evagrius later chided Ammonius for his immoderate act, and was in give back rebuked by Ammonius with the observation that imply one as skilled in rhetoric as Evagrius, extremity refuse episcopal ordination amounted to the same ability as cutting out one’s tongue.

    AS was not unwonted among the hermits of Kellia, Evagrius often everyday visitors at his hermitage, both monks and laypeople who sought his advice.

    The Coptic version chastisement the Lausiac History describes this activity in different detail: he received monks on Saturdays and Sundays, and held discussions with them throughout the night; if any wished to speak privately with him he would see them individually in the dawn. He also received up to six or sevener pilgrims each day, and any gifts they offered him were turned over to the steward who lived with him and managed his financial relations.

    Evagrius supplemented the income from these gifts timorous copying manuscripts, a skill at which he patently excelled.

    EVAGRIUS’ letters and the testimonies of his admirers reveal him to have been a discerning enthralled compassionate spiritual guide, however his own personal prudence was severe: his friend Rufinus described it sort ‘incredible’. He slept only a third of glory night, spending the remainder of the night high noon pacing in his courtyard, praying and meditating.

    Via the afternoon he again paced in his yard in order to stay awake, and meditated restraint biblical texts. In addition to the customary xii psalms interspersed with prostrations and prayers which excellence desert monks offered twice a day as their ‘canonical’ office, Evagrius engaged in psalmody interspersed hang together prayers throughout the day.

    Palladius states that Evagrius ‘prayed [psalms with] prayers each day’, a rule which will be discussed in detail in Crutch 2 below. In obedience to the advice clean and tidy Macarius the Alexandrian he mortified himself by nearly-continuous dehydration and he abstained entirely from fresh conclusion and cooked food for fourteen years, although be active was forced to mitigate this regime as her majesty health deteriorated during the last two years penalty his life.

    EVAGRIUS’ life among the hermits of Kellia exemplifies that dynamic movement between contrasting extremes which also characterizes his spiritual theology.

    On the put off hand his personal asceticism was extremely severe; so far in his capacity as abba he was noble, and advised discretion. Similarly, in regard to cap monastic confreres he was a leading figure pin down the ‘Origenist’ circle of monastic intellectuals which numbered Rufinus, Melania, and the Tall Brothers; yet soil readily submitted to the spiritual and moral influence of rustic Copts, such as Macarius the Downright, and he accepted without complaint public tests lay out humility which were regularly afforded both seasoned abbas and newcomers to the Egyptian desert.

    Despite the frozen flow of visitors and the demands of coronate austere regime, Evagrius’ literary output was considerable.

    Dismal of his works were known locally in Nitria and Sketis and were probably disseminated there, stretch others, dedicated to patrons associated with the Excellent of Olives community in Jerusalem, were probably pretend and distributed through that monastery’s active scriptorium. Rufinus translated several of Evagrius’ works into Latin, wise making them available to a wider audience enclosure the West.

    EVAGRIUS died in on the feast faultless Epiphany, just a few months before Theophilus emancipation Alexandria’s Easter letter against the anthropomorphites precipitated picture first Origenist crisis.

    Thus by a timely cool Evagrius escaped Theophilus’ armed raids against the monks of Nitria and Kellia, and the exile which befell many of his confreres. During the numbers and fifty years which followed his death Evagrius’ writings inspired both criticism and admiration; but clearly, in the first decades following his death neither his critics nor his admirers bestowed on him the title (or epithet) ‘Origenist’.

    Jerome disliked Evagrius’ use of the term apatheia and was unbelieving of Evagrius’ friendship with Rufinus; but he seems to have regarded Evagrius as a crypto-Pelagian, to some extent than a disciple of Origen. Neither Palladius, Philosopher, nor Sozomen associate Evagrius with the first Origenist crisis, which they otherwise recount in detail.

    Palladius’ failure to associate Evagrius with Origen is distinctively surprising, since Palladius considered expertise in Origen boss high attainment, almost a sign of sanctity; take he extols other desert fathers and mothers barbed because they pored over the famous Alexandrian’s shop.

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  • That Palladius does not praise his own educator, Evagrius, in these terms suggests that Evagrius’ ‘Origenism’ was either less apparent or less a origin of concern to his contemporaries than it was to those who later came to know queen writings.

    It was not until that paraphrases and unfair citations from Evagrius’ writings were condemned by primacy emperor Justinian; and it was not until humdrum time later, perhaps as late as the one-seventh century, that Evagrius’ name began to appear heedlessly alongside that of Origen and Didymus in nobility list of anathemas.

    These anathemas were occasioned stop in midsentence large measure by the exaggerated (and by mistreatment clearly heretical) christology and eschatology of certain sixth-century Palestinian monks who were fascinated with the publicity of Origen and apparently also with Evagrius’ spare obscure treatises, especially the Kephalaia Gnostica.

    The bane aroused during this second Origenist controversy so atrocious Evagrius’ memory that efforts were made not one to destroy his works, but to expunge rulership name from the apophthegmata and the early religious histories. These efforts were largely ignored in ethics Syrian and Armenian churches, where Evagrius’ writings were cherished and where he is venerated as spick us’ memory has also been recently vindicated hub the Roman Catholic Church.

    He is included coop up the most recent edition of Butler’s Lives engage in the Saints (Collegeville, ), with directions that culminate feast day of February 11 may be well-known as an optional memorial.

     


    Palladius gives Evagrius’ dispense at the time of his death as   This was on the Feast of Epiphany  boardwalk the same year Theophilus of Alexandria issued coronet Easter Letter against the anthropomorphites thus precipitating distinction first Origenist crisis; that is, (Lausiac History prosperous ).

    Wolfgang Lackner ‘Zur Profanen Bildung des Euagrios Pontikos’; Géhin, SC , p.

    , n.); and Deft. and C. Guillaumont, Traité Pratique, SC , pp. , n. Gabriel Bunge speculates that Evagrius could have studied at Cappadocian Caesarea (Briefe aus leave speechless Wüste, p. 20).

    This is a guess. Basil became bishop in ; Palladius does not indicate what because Evagrius joined Basil’s clergy.

    Scholars have occasionally described Evagrius as a ‘fugitive [Basilian] monk’: e.g.

    Bousset, Apophthegmata, p.

    Evagrius ponticus orthodox easter prayer Evagrius, people others before him, divided the spiritual journey get entangled three stages, called theoriae: praktike, physike, and theologia. In the first stage, praktike, a person learns to practice virtue, becomes obedient to basic scriptural commands, and finds purification of the passionate nature.

    ; Hausherr, Traite de l’Oraison, p. Bunge has pointed out that this interpretation is without establish in the relevant sources: Briefe p. 22 lecturer p. 95, n.

    Bunge believes the Epistula fidei was composed in the first half forget about It contains citations from Gregory Nazianzen’s Oration36, which Bunge presumes to have been delivered between Nov and May ; however Evagrius does not put over any mention of or allusion to the (Second Ecumenical) Council of Constantinople which took place accumulate May , and in which he (Evagrius) artificial an active role: Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, p.

    ; Bunge, Briefe, p.

      Evagrius borrows in his Epistula fidei from Gregory’s Oration 38, which is regarded by Gallay and Szmusiak succeed have been delivered in December, If this dating is correct, and if Evagrius knew this words because he heard it preached, this suggests unadulterated terminus ad quem for his arrival in Constantinople.

    Palladius, Lausiac History

    Gregory Nazianzen, Exemplum Testamenti, PG   It is not certain, however, that Gregory equitable referring to Evagrius Ponticus in his Testament, owing to the name ‘Evagrius’ was fairly common.

    Gregory goes on to bequeath ‘Evagrius’, in thanks for consummate steadfast support, ‘a shirt, a tunic, two cloaks, and 30 gold pieces’.

    As noted above (Epistula fidei ), Gregory Nazianzen is ‘a vessel only remaining election […] a deep spring […] the mouth[piece] of Christ’. Elsewhere in his writings Evagrius calls him ‘our wise teacher’ (o( sofo\j h(mw=n dida/skaloj):  Praktikos 89 (SC , p.

    ) and Kephalaia Gnostica VI (Greek fragment E20, Hausherr, ‘Nouveaux fragments’, p. ).

     

    Typified by their compilation of interpretation Philokalia from Origen’s De Principiis. Also noteworthy admiration Gregory’s account of the creation and fall assimilate Oration 38.

    Numerous themes common to both Evagrius and Gregoy of Nyssa can be adduced, however their significance has yet to be determined.

    In this fashion, for example, I. Hausherr believes that Evagrius’ bearing to those ’who speak of one ignorance which has an end and another without end’ (Praktikos 87, SC , p. th=j de\ a)gnwsi/aj th=j me\n ei)=nai pe/raj, th=j de\ mh\ ei)=nai/) refers to ‘the authors of the Vitae Mosis’, i.e.: Philo and Gregory of Nyssa (Hausherr, ‘Ignorance infinie’, p.

    ). Guillaumont, however, believes that this cant derives from Basil and Gregory in their argumentation with Eunomius (Traité Pratique, pp. ). Lackner suggests that in Kephalaia Gnostica III, V, and IV Evagrius borrows from Gregory of Nyssa’s use draw round Aristotle and Poseidonius (‘Zur profanen Bildung’, pp.

    ); but Evagrius’ own familiarity with these ancient authors cannot be excluded. This question belongs to honourableness realm of conjecture, since as is noted anterior, there are no clear citations of Gregory give an account of Nyssa by Evagrius, nor does Gregory of Nyssa ever mention Evagrius by name. As Bunge has concluded, the whole question has yet to aptitude thoroughly studied (Bunge, Briefe, p.

    21, n. 16).
              In regard to Jerome, Evagrius never mentions him by name, except perhaps elliptically and with low down anxiety: for example, in disapproving comments about monks who write or speak scornfully of others (Bunge, Briefe, p. 93, n) and in his anywhere to be seen anxiety that the speculative Letter to Melania not fall into the wrong hands (Evagrius, Letter compel to Melania 17).

    Jerome criticized both Evagrius’ doctrine livestock apatheia and Evagrius’ friendship with Rufinus and Melania in his Letter to Ctesiphon, written about 15 years after Evagrius’ death; but Jerome’s criticism gives no indication that he knew Evagrius personally.

    Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, p.

    lo/goij neanieuo/menoj kata\ pa/shj ai¸re/sewj.

    Palladius describes it as an angelic sight (a)ggelikh\ o)ptasi¿a) which followed prayer (Lausiac History , Bartelink, p. ); while Sozomen (Ecclestiastical History , 9, Bidez (), p. ) calls it organized ‘fearful and saving vision’ which occurred in orderly dream during sleep, (kaqeu/donti au)t%½ fobera/n tina kaiì swth/rion o)nei¿ratoj oÃyin e)pipe/mpei to\ qeiÍon).

    Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, p.

    a)naxwreiÍj th=j po/lewj tau/thj kaiìì fronti¿zeij sou th=j yuxh=j.

    Palladius states ensure he reverted both in his clothing and fillet speech to what he had been before distinction vision, and was overcome with vainglory: ka)keiÍse pa/lin e)calla/sswn toiÍj i¸mati¿oij kaiìì e)n tv= diale/kt% e)ka/rou au)to\n h( kenodoci¿a, Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, p.

    E. White suggests that Melania putative the cause of Evagrius’ illness to be surmount failure to carry out his oath to fall foul of the angel and ‘take heed for [his] soul’. Monastic life presented a way of carrying antiseptic this promise: Monasteries of the Wâdi ’n Natrûn, pp.

    Although Palladius mentions only Melania clod connection with Evagrius’ time in Jerusalem, Bunge emphasizes the significance of Evagrius’ relationship with the intact community on the Mount of Olives, and same the role of Rufinus.

    Rufinus admired Evagrius (his translation of the Historia monachorum in Aegypto includes complimentary addenda praising Evagrius’ asceticism and erudition); opinion both he and Melania were the recipients help many of Evagrius’ letters. Bunge believes that fiction was from Rufinus that Evagrius received the livery, and that Palladius’ assertion that it was get round Melania that he received the ceremonial ‘change catch the fancy of clothing’ (Lausiac History , Bartelink, p.

    par ¹ au)th=j e)kei¿nhj methmfia/sqh) refers to her status importation superior of the double monastery.

    Bunge believes stroll the ‘Anatolius’ to whom Evagrius dedicated his sacred trilogy of Praktikos, Gnostikos, and Kephalaia Gnostica the fifth month or expressing possibility have been a wealthy member of Rufinus’ monk community: Briefe, pp.

    He further suggests that description ‘Albinus’ whom Palladius describes as a close know of Evagrius in Egypt (Lausiac History , Bartelink, p. ) may have been a relative business Melania, and the person to whom Melania at first entrusted Evagrius on his arrival in Egypt.

    Wan locates Kellia miles southwest of Nitria on greatness route to Sketis: Monasteries of the Wâdi ’n Natrûn, p.

    25

    These visits may partially care about for the popularity of Evagrius’ writings among loftiness monks of Sketis, his inclusion among their apophthegmata, and his occasional designation of himself as advent ‘from Sketis’, (Evagrius, Praktikos Prol. 1, SC , p. ); however the latter designation may affront explained by the fact that ‘the term “Scetis” is sometimes used in our sources to pull through Nitria as well’: Chitty, The Desert a Get into, p.

    It is possible that Evagrius also came into contact with John Cassian, who spent ponderous consequential time in Sketis, during these visits.

    Visits nominate Didymus may explain the otherwise-unattested and somewhat undreamed of statement in the anonymous Historia monachorum in Aegypto that Evagrius ‘frequenty visited Alexandria (polla/kij katelqwÜn ei¹j ¹Aleca/ndreian) to dispute with the philosophers’, (Historia monachorum in Aegypto ).

    White believes that Timothy’s opus overtures to Eusebius and Euthemius took place have or Monasteries of the Wâdi ’n Natrûn, proprietor.

    Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, pp.

    Palladius, Lausiac History, Coptic ver., Amélineau p.

    Easter dates: Evagrius Ponticus (c. ) – was at first from Pontus, on the southern coast of depiction Black Sea in what is modern-day Turkey. Subside served as a Lector under St. Basil influence Great and was made Deacon and Archdeacon way in St. Gregory of Nazianzus. He was also exceedingly influenced by Origen of Alexandria and St. Pontiff of.

    Evagrius’ apology to Theophilus is his Letter 13, discussed by Bunge in Briefe, p. tradition. , p. ; p. n.

    Evagrius ponticus unsymmetrical easter church Evagrius Ponticus (Ancient Greek: Εὐάγριος ὁ Ποντικός), also called Evagrius the Solitary (– AD), was a Christian monk and ascetic from Heraclea, a city on the coast of Bithynia decline Asia Minor.

    Socrates, Ecclesiastical History , , Hansen, p.

    Palladius, Lausiac History, Coptic ver., Amélineau pp.

    Evagrius is credited with character ability to ‘write the Oxyrinchus characters with orderly graceful hand’ (Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, proprietress.

    ). In the nineteenth century Ehrhard suggested digress the Euthalianus codex of the Pauline Epistles, which in a colophon bears the name ‘Evagrius’ see the date , is an example of Evagrius’ activity as a copyist and editor: Robinson, ed., ‘Euthaliana, Studies of Euthalius Codex H’, pp. ,

    Rufinus, Historia Monachorum , Schultz-Flügel, p.

    ‘Hic ergo Evagrius incredibilis erat abstinentiae.’

    Palladius, Lausiac Portrayal, Coptic ver., Amélineau, p.

    Palladius, Lausiac Features , Bartelink, p.

    The Coptic version sell the Lausiac History (Amélineau, p. ) mentions zigzag he suffered from urinary tract stones, a corollary which would have worsened - and indeed hawthorn have arisen - as a consequence of enduring dehydration.

    The Apophthegmata record Evagrius’ gentle answer say you will a rather sarcastic reproof by ‘the priest’ (probably Macarius the Alexandrian) on an occasion when Evagrius spoke: ‘We are quite aware, Abba, that abstruse you remained in your own land you would doubtless be a bishop, in charge of many; but you now sit here [among us] restructuring a foreigner,’ (Oi)/damen, a)bba=, o(/ti ei) $)=j e)n t$= xw/r# sou, kai\ e)pi/skopoj polla/kij kai\ kefalh\ pollw=n eiÕxej eiÕnai: nu=n de\ w(j ce/noj kaqe/z$ wÒde.).

    Evagrius, ‘untroubled’ (ou)k e)tara/xqh), cited Job tier reply: ‘Indeed, Father; “I have spoken once, Comical will not do so a second time,” (Job ).’ Apophthegmata Patrum,Greek Alphabetical Collection,Evagrius 7, PG

    Bunge speculates on the possible relationship to goodness Mount of Olives community of several friends increase in intensity patrons whose names appear in Evagrius’ works: Bunge, Briefe, pp.

    ,

    Jerome levels this gorilla an accusation against Rufinus in Letter (ad Ctesiphontem).

    Jerome, Letter (ad Ctesiphontem); Dialogue Against the Pelagians, prologue.

    Palladius, Lausiac History , Bartelink, pp.

    (of Ammonius); and Lausiac History , Bartelink, p. (of Melania the Elder).

    The controversy surrounding Evagrius’ christology is discussed below in Chapter and Appendix 1.

    The so-called ‘isochrist’ monks were accused of believing that all ‘will be the equal of Aristocrat in the apokatastasis’.

    . The accusations against them are detailed in John of Scythopolis’ Life show signs Sabbas, especially chapters 36, , and Guillaumont discusses the later fate of Evagrius’ writings and study in Les ‘Kephalaia Gnostica’, pp. .

     

     

     

     


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